Turkey under the influence of sects: DP, AKP and sects

One cannot dissociate the sects from the transformations, the relations of production and the socio-economic models of the history of the Republic. Without returning this situation to the right place in the course of history, Turkey cannot get rid of the destructive effect of the reaction. Because the development curve of sects in the history of the Republic actually goes hand in hand with the change of our Republic. The interaction of the Republic and the sects is actually like a seesaw. The one who goes up, the other goes down. For this reason, four landmarks attract attention. These;

1. Years of public establishment,

2. NATO period,

3. The destruction of September 12,

4. The post-Cold War peak.


Mustafa Kemal Atatürk said: “The Republic is the homeless”. This definition is not just a slogan. It represents the salvation of the Turkish nation, which has been sidelined for years and whose life has been left at the mercy of one person, at the hands of despair. Against the forces of feudal order such as the sultan, the aghas and the sheikh, there is now the People’s Republic. These attitudes complement each other in all areas, from women’s education to the mixed economy, from justice to the right to vote and be elected. The planned mixed economy, which was put into effect after the Izmir Economy Congress, and the “Law on Closing Lodges and Lodges” cannot be considered separately from each other. Because in the republican regime, no one can be left at the mercy of feudalism because of poverty and despair.


It is no coincidence that the name of the party that was in power at the very beginning of the Cold War was the Democratic Party (PD). However, the point which is no coincidence is the reason for the breakup of the DP with the CHP. Because the Poor Peasants Landing Law, which was initiated during the Atatürk period, separated the representatives of feudal groups in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey from the CHP. However, the real break lies in the philosophy of the Republic. Although it was not talked about much, in the first version of the law, it was about distributing the land of religious foundations to the poor as well as to landowners whose land exceeded 500 decares. In paragraph (f) of article 8 of the “Law on landed property” adopted on June 11, 1945, this expression took the form of “land to be expropriated in accordance with the provisions of this law”. One of those who opposed the law was deputy owner Eskişehir Emin Sazak. The people could not digest the gains they made with the Republic, saying, “We overthrew the Sultan, we fired the Caliph, we wore hats, we accepted Latin letters, we closed the dervish lodge, we even accepted the wealth tax for some. reasons, but I cannot accept this law.” Another landowner, Aydın MP Adnan Menderes, objected saying, “It means expropriating an acre of land at the cost of a linen handkerchief in your pocket “, it was not the law, but the Republic itself. It would be this mentality that established the DP anyway.


The DP, which was created by MPs who did not want the land to be distributed to poor peasants, would come to power five years later and describe the economic program they would implement as “creating a millionaire in every neighborhood”. . These millionaires were not created, but rural poverty sparked waves of migration to the big cities in the west. With the closure of the Village Institutes, one of the largest projects in the Republic, in 1954, immigration accelerated. It was an ironic situation for the DP, which opposed the Land Law, that poor, uneducated and desperate mobs were building illegal houses on public land in cities. The new life emerging around houses called landless slums, roads, electricity and water was no different from that of the village. For each migrant community, the instinct to lose its family and its traditions creates particular zones of protection. Sects have become shelters for these helpless and uneducated crowds. They felt safe within the cult and important within a community. Moreover, for Menderes, these powerless mobs and the sects that ruled them began to become vote depots. Menderes’ phrase “You can even restore the caliphate if you wish” takes on its full meaning here.


Today’s phenomenon is the result of cold war projects on religion and has a history dating back to the 1940s. Society was delivered to sects, not only because religious structures were abandoned in the face of the Soviet communist threat, but also because the philosophical foundations of the Republic have been destroyed. In countries like Turkey, which have not been able to complete their revolution, it is inevitable that the areas emptied by the state will be occupied by feudal forces. This situation, which the American political scientist Fareed Zakaria defines as an “illiberal democracy”, is in fact the regime that Zakaria represents imposes on countries like ours. Even if elections are held, only the will of the people handed over to feudal powers can be reflected in the ballot box. The Republic is a publicist and the “Western allies” of Turkey are therefore hostile to the Republic and to Atatürk. That is why they do not even mention the name of the Republic and they put the feudal will against it under the name of democracy. Adnan Menderes had stated this situation 60 years before Zakaria saying “If I put wood, it will be chosen”.


Many of the founding names of the AKP were the first generation born in the city of families who settled in the big cities during the migration wave of the Menderes period. The fact that they could not access the city life and proper education they coveted, remained in the ukde like many of their friends. This psychology has sometimes come up with expressions such as “monshers”. It is a reflection of the complex of the time against the urban, well-educated and linguistic segments.

Like him, thousands of slum children systematized their anger, which spilled over from the big city slums, into sects driven by their families. This first generation, led by the sects, took the place of the torn Turkish youth on September 12. The neoliberal economic program of January 24, put into effect on September 12, was only the application of the liberal system imposed since 1950 by force of arms. Many sect leaders, like Fethullah Gülen, supported the 9/12 regime, which he hailed as “They did good things”, rubbing his hands. Already at that time, the military regime was seeking support by launching hadith propaganda verses and statements about the people against terrorism in the East and Southeast. The architect of the economic program, Prime Minister Turgut Özal, was already a member of the Naqshbandi sect.

People became poorer as public resources were plundered through privatization, the debt economy and corruption. As the desperation of the poor increased, the power of the sects increased. With the capital they created in 50 years, the existing parties were not enough for the sects, each of which became a holding company, and finally this capital brought the AKP to power with international support.


The recent approach of tying rising electricity bills to power companies close to the government only distorts the issue. The problem is not the identity of the companies, but the system itself. If you demonize the socialist-public side of the Republic and replace it with furious neoliberal greed for profit, your children will be raped and beheaded in cult homes. This is our bitter reality, and the cycle works simply like this: everything is for sale in the neoliberal order; education, health, justice, water, electricity, even religion. In this order, people without money are ownerless; They cannot send their children to school, take their medicine, pay their bills, cannot be named even if they pass the exam, and justice seeks the strong. The people, who find themselves ownerless and impoverished, begin to seek a solution in a metaphysical feeling and fall into the hands of sects. This is the only truth we came across in our research.

In fact, Zygmunt Bauman also argues that congregations and sects “seek security in a dangerous world.” It is good for people to join and be in a congregation. It is this sense of security and well-being in the world and in our country that leads people to communities, cults and various religious groups that promise paradise. The congregation is the lost paradise that we have lost somewhere and seek again and again. The aforementioned communities also try to influence their education policies and strive to raise the people who are loyal to them with the quality they want. They set certain rules for their subscribers. The ban on marrying people outside the organization, the reduction of roles for men and women, the ban on divorce, etc.

This strict obedience makes the air heavier and suffocating. The loss of freedom resulting from joining the congregation has irreversible consequences for children and young people. These religious organizations circumvent the state by forming vast networks with alternative religious, cultural and economic institutions. This is the common strategy. They do this with little patience and with various material and moral aids. They enter social institutions through associations, schools, clubs, places of worship, representations. Even though they can’t take over the company, they keep the corners strong.

Sects and congregations in the time of the AKP

Cults in Turkey have been interest organizations throughout history. During the AKP period, the sects were supported and strengthened. In the past there were sects and they were intertwined with parties. However, it is mainly thanks to the AKP that all sects have become stronger in all respects and have shed their lives by collecting sacrifice skins, fitra and zakat. For 20 years, almost all sects have been represented in the cabinet. Ministries, bureaucracy, education, health and commerce are distributed accordingly. What was said now; The source of the saying “This sect is in this ministry, and such and such a congregation is in this courthouse” comes from here. Of course, those who had a conflict of interest with the government in the distribution of public resources, like FETO, were excommunicated and replaced by new ones.

On the other hand, the matter has gotten so out of hand that even the Presidency of Religious Affairs (DIB), which was created by Atatürk to prevent our religion from degenerating, but which has strayed from its main purpose in recent years , had to hold a meeting with the sheikhs of the sect in 2017, being disturbed by the course of the sects. The results of the meeting were published by Oktay Yıldırım with the mention “Confidential” and under the title “Report on religious sects”. The purpose of the Diyanet meeting was not to shut down the sects, but to put them in order, but since he could not do that, he became a part of them. In fact, in recent days, the sexual abuse (rape) of a child in the so-called state-controlled Quran class opened by the DIB has unfortunately been brought to the fore by a leak in the press with the lingering follow-up of a local reporter and the cry of a mother.

TOMORROW: Islamic indulgence and divine sheikhs

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